Title: [The Politics of Gender in Victorian Britain: Masculinity, Political Culture and the Struggle for Women's Rights]
Author: Ben Griffin
Genre: Masculinity Studies
Medium: Paperback
Acquisition: IS Book 2
Date Completed: February 5, 2016
Rating: ****
The
Politics of Gender in Victorian Britain takes for its subject
the culture of gender in the Victorian Parliament, seeking to understand the
negotiations of masculinity and feminisms to consider how the established
patriarchy supported, opposed, and legitimized early feminist movements as a
law-making body. Griffin forwards that “the gendered identities of politicians
shaped particular legislative outcomes” (7), and that “an anatomy of a
patriarchal state” may help breach artificial limitations of research in
historical feminism which, while not incorrect, “hermetically seal[s]} the
subject from other cultural contexts (8). Griffin’s efforts are to place
feminist history more broadly in Victorian culture by examining patriarchal
responses to suffragists, feminists, and the changing cultural space in which
they operate. Griffin’s project is achieved through an examination of Parliamentary
reports published in three reputable newspapers, which were themselves the
early sources of Parliamentary records.
These papers serve as efficient cultural artifacts, having preserved the
discourses essentially in real time, without the editorial efforts of Parliamentary
secretaries.
“Why did so many men change their minds about women’s
suffrage?” Griffin asks, as he outlines his project (17). The answers, he
posits, help break the isolation and aggregation of traditional feminist
studies by examining the culture at large through the study of the ruling body
of wealthy white men. “…[D]ebates about
women’s rights were often also debates about masculinity, and … politicians’
actions were fundamentally shaped by the identities that they constructed as
men” (309). Like Kimmel, Griffin identifies a shift in gendered culture with
the American Revolution; as Kimmel describes early American masculinity forming
as a rejection of the oppressive father, British masculinity retreated into the
home, seeking to reestablish the patriarchy through the authority of the family
unit. In chapter two, Griffin discusses “The
domestic ideology of Victorian patriarchy,” and the gendered spheres of the Victorians
which are largely familiar. Griffin
states, however, that these separate spheres do not provide a space of power
for women; rather, one’s domestic authority (largely related to property rights
and the financial maintenance of the family) is a performance of one’s
masculinity, and thus greater political authority. Questions of marital unity, and the
definition thereof, are discussed, with their cultural and religious
definitions. This leads directly to two
major points of discourse in the Victorian parliament, and Griffin’s study:
domestic abuse and property rights. For
nineteenth-century MPs, the two become inherently linked.
The question of how and why a powerful body would
relinquish control of a marginalized class is a significant one, especially as
even partial liberation requires and acknowledgment of failure on the part of
the rulers. This is initially achieved through the vilification of working
class men; Griffin recounts that the earliest acquiescence are allowed when MPs
consider the plight of honest working-class women being victimized by drunken
scoundrel husbands. By law, these women
are without protection, and Parliament recognizes that a husband’s rule may in
face be detrimental when the husband in question is willing to, say, beat his
pregnant wife in order to take the money she’s saved for her confinement, for
drink. Chapter three examines the class lines of masculinity, and how the
characterization of lower class “tyrannical” (88) husbands as drunken and
bestial allow MPs to artificially divorce their own masculinity from these brutes,
and pass laws chivalrously protecting women of lower classes by allowing them
to control their own incomes, while retaining their own household authority and
preserving the myth that domestic abuse and moral lapse are conditions of the
poor.
Chapter four shifts to a reading of religious changes
in the mid- to late-nineteenth-century which challenge the earlier
understanding of women as “naturally” (i.e. Biblically) subservient to men, who
are made to serve as the ruling
class. Changes in religious thought, such as the belief that the Bible cannot
actually be taken as a word-for-word historically-accurate text, allow for
Victorians to challenge assumptions of sex. St. Paul, who is often cited by
anti-suffragists, is now read as a product of his times rather than a direct
guide to gendered expectations forwarded by the church, and the masculinity is
redefined to include necessitous care and compassion for wives, as opposed to
draconian control.
These cultural tug-of-wars continue throughout the
book, and Griffin demonstrates how lawmakers wade through evolving cultural and
religious beliefs to acknowledge cases of necessitous female autonomy (in
property rights, maternal rights, etc). For my own research purposes, I found
chapters five and six most interesting – those concerning paternal rights
(which concerns the “natural” parenting qualities of women) and the performance
of masculinity within Parliament itself (especially dress, mannerisms, and
self-control).
Recommended for anyone interested in legal and cultural history, feminism, masculinity, and/or the Victorians.
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